Image: The Next Web

UpTrajectory Review

The most consequential technology policy fight of the decade is playing out in private phone calls between billionaires and presidential candidates, with small businesses left to absorb whatever spills out. According to Politico, Mark Zuckerberg lobbied Donald Trump in mid-August against creating a national AI regulator with actual enforcement teeth, pushing instead for one of two industry-favored alternatives: a FINRA-style self-funded body where the regulated effectively control the regulator, or an MPA-style voluntary ratings system that lets companies grade their own homework. The framing that this is merely a debate about 'how much self-regulation' reveals the capture already underway. For a small business owner trying to navigate which AI tools are safe, reliable, and legally defensible, the distinction matters enormously.

Here is what this actually means on the ground. A FINRA-style model would create an organization like the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority, where industry fees fund the watchdog, which historically has meant slower enforcement, narrower scope, and rules written with heavy industry input. An MPA-style voluntary scheme evokes the Motion Picture Association's ratings board, where participation is technically optional but becomes market-mandatory, yet lacks any legal force behind its judgments. For small businesses, neither model solves the core problem: you are currently deploying AI tools with no clear liability framework, no standardized safety disclosures, and no recourse when a vendor's 'enterprise-grade' product hallucinates financial advice or leaks customer data. Voluntary regimes favor incumbents with compliance departments and PR teams to manage ratings; mandatory regulation, done well, levels the playing field by forcing standards on everyone.

What is genuinely contested here, and what the source only gestures at, is whether any self-regulatory structure can handle the speed and scale of AI deployment. FINRA took years to address high-frequency trading after the 2010 flash crash. AI is moving faster. The skepticism we hold is structural, not partisan: Zuckerberg's intervention is predictable incumbent behavior, but the deeper question is whether Congress has the technical capacity to design something better. The under-reported angle is what happens to small AI vendors and the businesses that use them if liability gets pushed downstream. A voluntary ratings scheme might let Meta and OpenAI self-certify while leaving smaller toolmakers and their customers exposed to state-level patchwork regulation, or to private litigation when things go wrong.

The second-order effects split the business landscape in ways worth tracking. Large enterprises with dedicated risk teams will likely welcome voluntary frameworks they can game or ignore; mid-sized companies will face pressure to adopt 'rated' tools regardless of fit; small operators may find themselves shut out of AI procurement by insurers and partners demanding ratings that only big vendors can afford to obtain. Meanwhile, state legislatures, seeing federal paralysis, are moving faster, California's SB 1047 being only the most visible example. The cost of federal inaction is not no regulation, it is fifty different regulations, with small businesses paying the compliance friction.

Watch three things now. First, whether any AI legislation moves in the lame-duck session or gets punted to a new Congress, and whether Trump, if elected, follows through on deregulatory rhetoric or finds the issue more complex in office. Second, which industry consortium forms first to run a voluntary ratings scheme, and whether small business trade groups demand seats at that table rather than accepting rules written by the largest platforms. Third, your own vendor contracts: the absence of federal standards makes your terms of service and indemnification clauses more consequential than ever. Demand explicit warranties on AI outputs, document your use cases, and push back on vendors who refuse to stand behind their tools. The regulatory vacuum is not a reason to wait, it is a reason to build your own defenses.

The pull toward self-regulation is not neutral. It is a specific power arrangement that has historically served existing players, and small businesses should not mistake the absence of federal rules for freedom. It is, more often, the transfer of risk to those least able to calculate or bear it.

“The two options still on the table are a FINRA-style body funded by the firms it would oversee and an MPA-style voluntary ratings scheme.” — The Next Web

Takeaway: Audit your AI vendor contracts for liability gaps now, before any federal framework, voluntary or mandatory, reshapes who bears the risk.

Excerpt from the original — The Next Web

Mark Zuckerberg raised concerns about a proposed national AI regulator in a previously unreported call with Donald Trump in mid-August, Politico reports. The two options still on the table are a FINRA-style body funded by the firms it would oversee and an MPA-style voluntary ratings scheme, so the debate is over how much self-regulation rather […]
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